Islamic Scholars

He was born about 370 (980-81) in the village of Efshene, near Bukhara. There is more information about him than other Islamic philosophers, thanks to the life story he dictated to his student Abu Ubayd al-Jûzcânî and the additional information given by Jûzcânî by Ibn al-Qftî and Ibn Abu Usaybia. In the Islamic world, Ibn Sînâ is famous for his name and is also known by the title of “ash-sheikh al-reîs”, which was given to him by medieval scholars and thinkers to express his unique position in the field of science and philosophy. He was also referred to with qualities such as “hüjcetü’l-hak, şerefü’l-mulk, ed-düstûr”. In the West, he is often known as Avicenna and is described as the “prince of philosophers”. His father, Abdullah, originally from Balkh, was the son of the Sâmanid ruler Nuh b. During the reign of Mansûr, he settled in the capital city of Bukhara. Abdullah, who was understood to have received a good education and adopted Isma’ili views, was in constant contact with the Isma’ili dais. As a result of this contact, his house became a center for discussing topics related to philosophy, geometry and Indian mathematics. Finding himself in these discussions, Ibn Sînâ gained familiarity with philosophical issues in an age that can be called early.

Ibn Sînâ attracted attention at a young age because he had an extraordinary intelligence. First, he memorized the Qur’an; He studied language, literature, aqaid and fiqh. Among his teachers in this period in his life story, only the Hanafi jurist Abu Muhammad Isma’il b. Although he mentions Husayn az-Zāhid, it is thought that he took lessons from Abu Bakr al-Berkī, especially in the field of language and literature (DMI, I, 203). Ibn Sînâ, who carried out a very intense reading activity in the field of religious sciences and seemed to have reached a high level, also received his first knowledge in geometry, arithmetic and philosophy from his father, and at the request of his father, from Mahmûd al-Messâh (Messâhî/Misâhî [?]) He studied Indian arithmetic. When Abu Abdullah an-Natili came to Bukhara, his father hosted him in his house to teach his son. Ibn Sīnā began to read the logic book of Furfûriyûs (Porphyrios) called Îsâġūcî (Eisagoge) from Nātilī and to make discussions within this framework. His teacher, who was pleased with his outstanding success, advised his father not to engage in anything other than science. After a while, Ibn Sînâ, who thought that his teacher was insufficient in the field of logic, started to read the works on the subject on his own and examine the commentaries. In the meantime, he read five or six chapters of Euclid’s Elements from the beginning, again from Nâtilî, and tried to decipher the rest of the book on his own. He then moved on to Ptolemy’s al-Majisṭî (Almagest); When he finished the beginning parts of the work and reached the section on geometric shapes, his teacher told him that he could read the other parts of the book on his own. As a result, Ibn Sînâ reached a very advanced level in astronomy. When Nâtilî left Bukhara for Gurgench, Ibn Sînâ turned to texts on physics, metaphysics and other philosophical subjects and their commentaries. As a result of these studies, he started to study medicine after being well equipped in all disciplines of philosophy. According to the sources, among Ibn Sînâ’s teachers in the field of medicine, Abu Sahl Îsâ b. Yahya al-Masihi and Abu Mansūr Hasan b. The names of Noah al-Qumrī are mentioned (Goodman, p. 14; E.I.R., III, 69). It seems that Ibn Sînâ started to read the works related to medicine on his own after taking lessons from his teachers in this field for a while, as in other fields. In this way, Ibn Sînâ, who reached an advanced level in medicine and pharmacy, and who, according to his own statement, benefited from his knowledge by many physicians considering him a medical authority when he was only sixteen years old, further developed his knowledge by moving from theory to practice in medicine.

In the meantime, Ibn Sînâ, who continued his fiqh education and improved his knowledge enough to engage in debates, then set out to revise his logic and philosophy books. During this period, which lasted for a year and a half, he made progress in the fields of logic, mathematics and physics and tended to examine works in the field of metaphysics. At this time, although he read Aristotle’s Mâ Baʿde’ṭ-ṭabîʿa (Metaphysics) many times, he did not fully understand its content and the author’s purpose, probably because of the poor Arabic translation. However, he solved this problem when he accidentally obtained and read al-Fārābī’s al-Ibānā ʿan ġarażi Arisṭoṭâlîs fī Kitābi Mā Baʿde’ṭ-ṭabîʿa.

Ibn Sînâ, who gained a great reputation in the field of philosophy and medicine, was the Sâmanid ruler Nûh b. He was invited to the palace when Mansûr fell seriously ill. As a result of his joint work with the palace doctors, he achieved a relative success in the treatment of the sultan. In this way, Ibn Sînâ, who was appointed as a palace physician when he was only eighteen years old, entered the rich palace library and had the opportunity to read and examine works related to medicine. In this library, which burned down after a while, he had the opportunity to read many physicians and thinkers whose names he had never heard of before.

After Noah b. Mansūr (d. 387/997), Mansūr b. Noah and Isma’il b. Although there is not much information about the activities of Ibn Sînâ (Ibn Khallikân, II, 158-159), who is understood to have continued his duty in the palace during the time of Nûh al-Muntasir, it is known that his activities included copyright works. As a matter of fact, upon the proposal of Abu’l-Husayn al-Arūzī to write a comprehensive book on science and philosophy for him, he wrote a work called al-Ḥikmatu’l-ʿarûżiyya, which covers all sciences except mathematics, and at the request of Abu Bakr al-Berkī, he wrote a treatise called al-Ḥâṣıl mine’l-Maḥṣûl and al-Bir wa’l-is̱m with about twenty volumes.

In Ibn Sīnā’s life, political relations intensified after the death of his father (393/1003). Although the reason for this change is not known exactly, the situation of the Sâmanid State probably had a significant impact on this. The state underwent significant shocks a few years before the death of Ibn Sīnā’s father, and collapsed in 396 (1005). Thus, Ibn Sīnā had to leave Bukhara and traveled to various regions in order to find a suitable place for himself. He first went to Gurgench (Ürgench), a town in Khârizm. Abu’l-Husayn as-Suhaylî (as-Sahlî [?]), who served as a vizier here and was interested in philosophical sciences, appointed him as a local emir, Ali b. He presented it to Ma’mun. Amîr Ali (Nizâmî-i Arûzî, p. 21), who, like his vizier, was a philosopher, virtuous and popular person, gave Ibn Sînâ a salary as long as he stayed in Gürgenç. There were also scholars such as Bîrûnî, Abu Sahl al-Masîhî, Ibn al-Hammâr and Ibn Iraq in the court of the Emir. Some debates between Ibn Sînâ and Bîrûnî on physics and astronomy took place at this time. According to the information given by Nizâmî-i Arûzî, while these scholars were continuing their scientific activities in an atmosphere of friendship, a development disturbed their peace. Mahmud of Ghazni, Amir Ali b. He sent a letter to al-Ma’mun, asking him to send the scholars in his council to his palace. While Ibn Irâq, Ibn al-Hammâr and Bîrûnî accepted the invitation, Ibn Sînâ and Abu Sahl al-Masîhî decided not to go, but they considered it dangerous to stay in Gurgench and left. Mahmud of Ghazni had Ibn Sînâ painted and reproduced and sent to various regions in order to find him, but he did not achieve any results (ibid., pp. 189-190).

After Ibn Sīnā visited Nasā, Bāverd, Tūs, Shaqqān, Semnīqān, and Jājarm, the ruler of the Ziyārī State, Kābūs b. He went to Djurjân to meet Veşmgîr. In the meantime, however, when Amīr Kābūs was arrested and imprisoned in a fortress and died there, he crossed over to Dihistan, between Djurjān and Khārism. While in this region, Ibn Sînâ fell ill with a severe illness in 403 (1012), and in the same year he returned to Jurjân, where he met Abu Ubayd al-Jûzjânî, who later wrote his biography and never left him. From his statement in one of his poems (Ibn al-Qftî, p. 272; Ibn Abu Usaybia, p. 439), it is seen that Ibn Sînâ, who traveled for seven years because his value was not known in the places he went and he did not receive any protection worthy of his person, found a comfortable environment in Jurjân. As a matter of fact, Abu Muhammad ash-Shîrâzî, a person who was fond of knowledge, bought him a house and gave him some opportunities. In such an environment, Ibn Sînâ was writing his works on the one hand and giving lectures on scientific and philosophical subjects on the other. According to the biography written by Jūzjānī, Ibn Sīnā dictated to this student a book on logic called al-Muḫtaṣarü’l-awsaṭ; He also wrote al-Mabdaʾ wa’l-maʿād and al-Arṣādu’l-kulliyya for Abu Muhammad ash-Shīrāzī. He also composed many of his works here, such as the beginning of al-Ḳānûn fi’ṭ-ṭibb and Muḫtaṣarü’l-Majisṭî.

Ibn Sīnā, who probably stayed in Jurjān for two years, went to Rey and met with Sayyida, the wife of Fakhr al-Dawla, the governor of the Buwayhi State, and his son Majduddawla. Here, he undertook the treatment of Majdüddevle, who was suffering from melancholy, by establishing his scientific authority. Since Majduddawla was a member of the Buwayhi family, this incident marked the beginning of the relationship between Ibn Sînâ and the Buwayhis. Ibn Sīnā, who wrote his work al-Maʿād while in Ray, probably went to Qazvin and from there to Hamadan, after the treatment of Majd-ud-Dawla. In this city, he entered the service of Kezbaneveyh. Later, he was in the palace of the Buwayhi ruler Shamsuddawla to treat him who was suffering from colic (colic). Ibn Sînâ, who succeeded in healing the ruler here, won the friendship of the ruler along with many rewards. When Shamsüddevla organized an expedition to Karmîsîn, he joined the war on his side. When the battle ended in defeat, he returned to Hamadan with Shamsuddawla. After this incident, Ibn Sînâ, who was offered the position of vizier, accepted the task. However, after the unrest within the army, a rebellion broke out. The rebels who besieged Ibn Sīnā’s house imprisoned him and confiscated all his property; they also asked Shamsuddawla to kill the philosopher. Refusing to accept this request, the monarch removed him from his post in order to appease the rebels. Ibn Sīnā had to hide in the house of Shaykh Abu Sa’d ad-Dahdûk for forty days. However, when Shamsuddawla, whose illness recurred, asked him to treat him again, Ibn Sînâ, who started to treat him, was brought back to the position of vizier and received more treats and compliments than before. Meanwhile, Ibn Sînâ did not neglect to train students. Since he was busy with state affairs during the day, he taught at night, especially the written parts of his works such as ash-Shifāʾ and al-Ḳānūn fi’ṭ-ṭıb. It is not known exactly who these students were, but among them were Abu Abdullah al-Ma’sûmî, Abu Mansûr Ibn Zayla, and Bahmanyâr b. It is recorded that Marzubān al-Āzārbayjānī was present (Ali b. Zayd al-Bayhaqī, p. 73).

Later, Ibn Sīnā had to participate in Shamsuddawla’s expedition on Agriculture. When the ruler fell ill again near Tarim, the soldiers wanted to take him to Hamadan, but Shamsuddawla died on the way and was succeeded by his son Samâ al-Dawla (412/1021). The new ruler asked Ibn Sînâ to continue as vizier, but the philosopher refused. Despite falling out with the Buwayhīs because of this attitude, he could not leave Hamadan, and for a while he stayed out of sight in the house of a man named Abu Gālib al-Attar. During his time here, Ibn Sīnā completed the parts of the tabīiyyāt section of ash-Shifāʾ, which he started to write at the request of Jūzjānī, except for al-Ḥayevān and an-Nabāt, and the theology section, and also wrote a part of the logic section.

The tension between Ibn Sīnā and the Buwayhids increased, and even Shamsuddawla’s other son, Tāj-ul-Mulk, and his ruler of the Kakuyids, Ala-ud-Dawla Muhammad b. He claimed that he had secretly corresponded with Rustam. Although Ibn Sînâ rejected this accusation, he was imprisoned in the castle of Ferdecân after some people who were hostile to him were found against him (414/1023). The philosopher, who stayed in the castle for four months, was released after Ala-ud-Dawla led an expedition to Hamadan and captured it, and stayed in the house of Abu Talib al-Ulwî (al-Alawî [?]), who was the vizier in Hamadan. Ibn Sīnā, who wrote al-Hidāyah, Ḥay b. Yaḳẓān and al-Ḳūlenj while in the castle, completed the unfinished logic section of ash-Shifāʾduring his stay in the house of Abu Talib al-Ulwī.

After all these events, Ibn Sīnā, who did not trust the promises of Tājāl al-Mulk, who still did not want to leave him, probably secretly left Hamadan with his brother, two servants and his student Jûzjânî for Isfahan in 415 (1024); After a troublesome journey, he reached Tābarān, in the vicinity of Isfahan. His friends and Ala-ud-Dawla Muhammad b. He was greeted by Rustam’s relatives and Abdullah b. He was hosted in the house of the Sublime Porte.

After a while, Ibn Sînâ joined the council of Alâüddawla and was respected there. Nizāmī-i Arūzī states that Alā al-Dawla appointed Ibn Sīnā as vizier and left the most important affairs to his authority, and says, “The truth is that after Aristotle became vizier to Alexander, no ruler was blessed with a vizier like Abu Ali” (Çehār Maḳāla, p. 201). The scholarly meetings organized by Ala-ud-Dawla spread the fame of the philosopher around Isfahan. During this period, the philosopher, who also continued his scientific studies, tried to complete some of his incomplete works, such as ash-Shifaʾ; He further developed some of his works on mathematics, astronomy and music. He wrote new works, including his books which he named Dânişnâme-i ʿAlâʾî after an-Najât and Alâüddawla. Ibn Sīnā, together with Alā al-Dawla, participated in some expeditions to Sābūrhāst and Hamadan. In addition, he made observations on astronomy at the behest of the ruler in order to correct the inaccuracies in the calendars, and although he did not get complete results, he clarified various issues.

Ibn Sînâ, who led a relatively quiet life during his years in Isfahan, suffered a great shock after the Ghaznavid ruler Sultan Masud took Isfahan, and his house and library were plundered. During this period, his health also deteriorated; He contracted the disease of Kulunç, which was common in his time. Ibn Sînâ, who tried to treat himself, seemed to regain his health for a while, but he could not fully recover. When Ala-ud-Dawla went on an expedition to Hamadan, he fell ill again on the way and died when they reached Hamadan. His grave is in Hamadan.

It is recorded that Ibn Sînâ was very intelligent, hardworking, and had a personality that could not tolerate defeat as well as his acrimony caused by overconfidence in his intelligence and knowledge. A discussion he had with the linguistic scholar Abu Mansūr al-Jubbāʿī in the presence of Alā al-Dawla points to this character of his. According to Jûzcânî, during this discussion, Jubbâî told Ibn Sînâ that he had no knowledge of language, whereupon Ibn Sînâ worked for three years and reached a superior level in the field of language and wrote books on the subject. In the end, he met with Jubbai again, leaving him in a position to apologize to him.

Ibn Sînâ, who is at the top of the Islamic philosophical tradition that started with Kindî, owes a lot to Fârâbî in his philosophical system. In a way, he can be seen as a student and successor of al-Fārābī. However, he surpassed his master and left his name in the second degree in history. Because he was a much brighter and more systematic author than his predecessors. Islamic philosophers such as Ghazzâlî and Fahreddin er-Râzî, who criticized Ibn Sînâ, were also influenced by him. It can be said that Ibn Sînâ is the only person who established a perfect philosophical system that dominated the tradition of Islamic philosophy for centuries.

The thesis that Ibn Sînâ adopted Shiism, that he was especially under the influence of Isma’ili thought, and that he essentially established his philosophy within this framework, has been expressed by some authors, especially since the 1950s (Corbin, p. 171; Türker-Küyel, p. 131). In the making of this claim, Ibn Sînâ’s father’s relationship with the Isma’ili daîs, as well as the thoughts and concepts he put forward in his philosophical system have an effect. However, although Ibn Sīnā records that he listened to the philosophical views of the Isma’ilids in his father’s house, he states that his father and brother responded to the Isma’ili da’īs, but he says that he did not adopt these thoughts (Ibn Abu Usaybia, p. 437). In addition, the presence of the Hanafi jurist Isma’il az-Zahid among his teachers shows that he did not receive his religious education from the Shiite or Isma’il environment. As for Ibn Sînâ’s philosophical system and the concepts he used in this system, such as holy power, imam, ârif, sudûr and feyezân, contrary to what is claimed, these concepts are not used in his system in the sense used by the Shiites, especially the Isma’ilis. In addition, the philosopher’s philosophy does not include ideas such as will, ismet, jewelry, and the twelve imams. In this respect, the explanations that he belonged to Shia or that he established his philosophy within the framework of Shiite ideas seem unrealistic.

BIBLIOGRAPHYNizāmī-i Arūzī, Çehār Maḳāla: Arbaʿu maḳālāt (trc. Muhammad ibn Tawīt), Rabat 1403/1982, pp. 21, 187 ff., 201.

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Ibn al-Qftī, Iḫbār al-ʿulāmāʾ, pp. 268-278.

Ibn Abu Usaybia, ʿUyūn al-anbāʾ, pp. 437-459.

Ibn Khallikān, Wafāyat, II, 157-162.

Ahmad b. Mahmûd, Seljuknâme (jun. Erdoğan Mercil), Istanbul 1977, I, 14-15.

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H. Corbin, History of Islamic Philosophy: From the Beginning to the Death of Ibn Rushd (1198) (trc. Hossein Khatami), Istanbul 1986, p. 171.

Mâcit Fahrî, İslâm Felsefesi Tarihi (trc. Kasım Turhan), İstanbul 1987, s. 105.

D. Gutas, Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition, Leiden 1988, s. 22 vd., 38 vd., 152-159.

a.mlf., “Avicenna’s Mad̲h̲ab with an Appendix on the Question of His Date of Birth”, Quaderni di Studi Arabi, sy. 5-6, Venezia 1988, s. 323-336.

a.mlf., “Avicenna”, EIr., III, 69.

L. E. Goodman, Avicenna, London 1992, s. 14.

P. Heath, Allegory and Philosophy in Avicenna, Philadelphia 1992, s. 19-27.

Fazlurrahman, “İslâm Felsefesi”, İslâm’da Bilgi ve Felsefe (haz. Mustafa Armağan), İstanbul 1997, s. 45.

Arslan Terzioğlu, Yeni Araştırmalar Işığında Büyük Türk-İslâm Bilim Adamı İbn Sînâ (Avicenna) ve Tababet, İstanbul 1998, s. 29.

Şemseddin Günaltay, “İbn Sînâ’nın Şahsiyeti ve Milliyeti Meselesi”, TTK Belleten, IV/13 (1940), s. 1-37.

Nihat Keklik, “Türk-İslâm Filozofu İbn Sînâ: Hayatı ve Eserleri”, Felsefe Arkivi, sy. 22-23, İstanbul 1981, s. 2-44.

Mübahat Türker-Küyel, “İbn Sînâ ve İsmâilî Görüş”, Araştırma, sy. 13, Ankara 1991, s. 131-206.

Hilmi Ziya Ülken, “İbn Sînâ”, IA, V/2, s. 807-824.

A.-M. Goichon, “Ibn Sīnā”, EI² (İng.), III, 941-947.

Muhammed Sâbit el-Fendî, “İbn Sînâ”, DMİ, I, 203-210.